The hijackers’ training records from several U.S. flight schools indicate that they were marginal pilots, at best, even in single-engine airplanes. In early 2000, three of the pilot/hijackers are heavily documented at a small flight school near Venice, Florida, while the fourth attended schools in Arizona and California. This would account for the basic flight training of the pilots but in no way can explain the expert level of airmanship required for the 911 hit.

Dozens of reports focused on the pilot/hijackers Mohamed Atta, Hani Hanjour, Ziad Jarrah and Marwan al-Shehhi. Flight instructors around the United States told similar stories of attempting to train them. All four had a very difficult time in their basic training on small, single-engine airplanes. The English-speaking instructors repeatedly cited the language barrier with the Arabic-speaking students as a major obstacle and said that they had encouraged the students to quit. Obviously, this language issue had found a solution by 911; the only logical solution is that Arabic-speaking flight instructors were used, more specifically, Arabic-speaking Boeing flight instructors.

By using small flight schools for basic flight training, the cell remained below the radar, while the pilots’ documented use of the schools could be counted on later to provide some sort of explanation (albeit a very weak one) as to how they learned to fly these complicated heavy jets, and might help keep investigators off the trail of the real training. But the leap from a small 4,000-pound single-engine propeller airplane to a 300,000-pound twin-engine jetliner needs a specific explanation. For instance, it took me 20 years, dozens of ground school courses and 15,000 hours between my first lesson and taking command of my first commercial airliner. Adding computer games and outdated simulators to their training was a helpful step, but until they actually felt the yoke and added the hours of experience it takes to understand the momentum of a heavy 767, they would be all over the sky and completely out of control. Not only were they under control, they flew above the average skills required to operate in an airline environment. This miraculous leap has only one explanation: expert and repeated training in the actual Boeing 757 or 767. And by all indications, this took place in the final months of preparation, during the spring and summer of 2001.

There are two different worlds in aviation — the general single-engine airplane world with a service ceiling of 10,000 feet and a top speed of around 200 miles per hour, and the commercial swept-wing jetliner world at 40,000 feet and Mach numbers for speed calculations. Little within that first world prepares the pilot for the second, high-altitude world.
So began my search for Middle Eastern operators of Boeing airliners. Because the hijackers were mostly Saudi Arabian, the firm of Dallah Avco, a Saudi operator of multiple private Boeing airliners, soon stood out as a focal point. To my amazement, I immediately discovered that Congressional investigators had already linked Dallah Avco with the actual hijackers. Omar Bayoumi, a Dallah employee and operative within the Saudi Ministry of Aviation, had provided housing and basic support for three hijackers: Nawaf al-Hazmi, Khalid al-Mihdhar and the pilot/hijacker of American 77, Hani Hanjour.

FBI evidence of the cell would confirm that the hijacking team of American 77 had formed and operated separately with direct financial support from top-level members of the Saudi government, bitter enemies of al Qaeda. The picture was beginning to clear.

From this point in the research, the guilt needle began pointing steadily toward Saudi Arabia, in part because 15 of the 19 hijackers were Saudis. With every new piece of evidence, that needle does not fluctuate. As the focus narrowed on San Diego, the footprints of a large Saudi contingent began to appear. Congressional investigators had found, within buried FBI files, evidence that United States Senators would later call “undeniable” that top Saudi officials had known that terrorists were entering the U.S. beginning in 2000 in preparation for some sort of attack. These same officials are among those who work with American oil companies and regulate the flow of crude oil to the United States, the same Saudi officials that regulate the price that has gone from $30 per barrel to over $140 post 911.

One Saudi official in particular, Prince Bandar bin Sultan, Saudi Ambassador to the United States from 1983 to 2005, was quickly traced to direct funding of the hijackers, through cashier’s checks, not from him he would say, but from his wife. Alabama Senator Richard Shelby, Maine Senator Susan Collins and Florida Senator Bob Graham learned that Saudi officials had directed agents in the United States to assist the future hijackers. These senators would quietly back out of the investigation after the White House threatened them with “leaking classified information” and a criminal probe. Senator Graham was told in no uncertain terms to back off and shut up in telephone calls from Vice President Cheney. This evidence alone on the Saudis provided more plausibility than two chapters of KSM’s ramblings. Here was opportunity to provide airplanes and instructors for hijackers who were solidly linked to Saudi operatives working for Prince Bandar.

From False Flag 9/11 by Philip Marshall- Chapter 16

It takes a close reading of an innocuous-looking statement within the 911 Commission’s report to realize that a huge entourage of the longtime Saudi Intelligence Minister, Prince Turki al Faisal, was in Las Vegas on September 11, 2001. Tucked in the back of the report was an account of three separate chartered airliners carrying dozens of Saudis, departing from Las Vegas on midnight transatlantic flights beginning on September 19th.

We now know that this group, including Prince Turki, with deep connections to Saudi Arabia’s secret police, was in Las Vegas during the time that the 911 Commission could not explain why all the hijackers had made trips to Las Vegas. The roster of Saudi officials in the United States on September 11 includes the Defense Minister, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Minister of Aviation and the head of Dallah Avco Group, in addition to Prince Turki and of course Prince Bandar, Saudi ambassador to the U.S. In addition, the head of two of Saudi Arabia’s holiest mosques stayed at the same hotel as the all-Saudi hijackers of AA77 — at the Marriott Residence Inn in Herndon, Virginia — on the night of September 10th. In the week after the attack, there were a dozen chartered flights with high-ranking Saudi officials that left from Las Vegas, Newark, Boston and Washington, all cities, by the way, with direct links to the hijackings. By September 24, 2001, they had all returned home.

The British Observer reported that the widely feared Prince Turki al Faisal had a long, mutually hostile relationship with Osama bin Laden. Turki, with American connections (he would become Saudi Ambassador to the U.S. after Prince Bandar), was funding bin Laden’s mujahedeen against the Soviets in Afghanistan in the 1980s, but the partnership with bin Laden ended soon after. More recently, the entire Saudi royal family had become the prime target of al-Qaeda for their relationship with American oil companies. Of great interest is the Observer’s reporting that pilot/hijacker Mohamed Atta left Hamburg soon after making contact with Prince Turki’s intelligence agents in early 2000. Atta’s destination, after a brief stop in Pakistan, was Huffman Aviation, the small school in Florida where he began basic flight training. He was soon joined by Jarrah and al Shehhi. They told people in Venice that they were bodyguards with the Saudi government and needed to learn to fly airplanes.

The prince’s entourage entailed a perfect opportunity for the Raiders to get the needed Saudi Boeing flight instructors into the country, and exit after the attacks without anyone interviewing them. The chartered departures from Las Vegas were a four-engine DC-8 for Geneva on September 19, 2001 with 69 passengers, including 46 Saudis; a Boeing 727 for England with 18 Saudis on September 20; and on September 23, a jumbo Lockheed L-1011 for Paris. Only 34 passengers were listed on that plane, which has a capacity of nearly 400. On that flight was Prince Turki.

No one in the government will say just who cleared these flights to leave without interviewing even one of the passengers. Prince Bandar said on Meet the Press in September 2001 that the FBI cleared the flights. The FBI said that they did not clear the flights.

Prince Turki and Prince Bandar have more connections to Arabic-speaking Boeing flight instructors than anyone else in the world. The means and opportunity to slip the hijackers into Pinal Airpark or other facilities for training were theirs. The motive was a world-changing event. The Saudis would benefit greatly not only from the targeting of al-Qaeda but from an American invasion of Iraq, one that they had begged for after the first Gulf War. Dick Cheney would guarantee Prince Bandar that America was going to invade Iraq months before anyone informed the United States Congress.

In November 2001, Prince Turki expressed his public support for the U.S. operation in Afghanistan, referring to al-Qaeda as an “evil cult.” By calling out bin Laden for complicity in the attacks, he would be helping to “sic” the world against his greatest enemy, an enemy that has made several assassination attempts against the Saudi royal family. In the winter of 1998, three buried suitcases had been found in Saudi Arabia containing nine antitank Sagger missiles. The Saudis learned that al-Qaeda was intending them for use against the royal family. Former FBI Director Louis Freeh told The New Yorker, “From where I sat and from what I knew … Al Qaeda was more a threat to Saudi Arabia than to the U.S. and bin Laden’s whole focus was on toppling the royal family and getting the U.S. forces out of Saudi Arabia.”

FROM FALSE FLAG 9/11 BY PHILIP MARSHALL

The hijackers’ training records from several U.S. flight schools indicate that they were marginal pilots, at best, even in single-engine airplanes. In early 2000, three of the pilot/hijackers are heavily documented at a small flight school near Venice, Florida, while the fourth attended schools in Arizona and California. This would account for the basic flight training of the pilots but in no way can explain the expert level of airmanship required for the 911 hit.

Dozens of reports focused on the pilot/hijackers Mohamed Atta, Hani Hanjour, Ziad Jarrah and Marwan al-Shehhi. Flight instructors around the United States told similar stories of attempting to train them. All four had a very difficult time in their basic training on small, single-engine airplanes. The English-speaking instructors repeatedly cited the language barrier with the Arabic-speaking students as a major obstacle and said that they had encouraged the students to quit. Obviously, this language issue had found a solution by 911; the only logical solution is that Arabic-speaking flight instructors were used, more specifically, Arabic-speaking Boeing flight instructors.

By using small flight schools for basic flight training, the cell remained below the radar, while the pilots’ documented use of the schools could be counted on later to provide some sort of explanation (albeit a very weak one) as to how they learned to fly these complicated heavy jets, and might help keep investigators off the trail of the real training. But the leap from a small 4,000-pound single-engine propeller airplane to a 300,000-pound twin-engine jetliner needs a specific explanation. For instance, it took me 20 years, dozens of ground school courses and 15,000 hours between my first lesson and taking command of my first commercial airliner. Adding computer games and outdated simulators to their training was a helpful step, but until they actually felt the yoke and added the hours of experience it takes to understand the momentum of a heavy 767, they would be all over the sky and completely out of control. Not only were they under control, they flew above the average skills required to operate in an airline environment. This miraculous leap has only one explanation: expert and repeated training in the actual Boeing 757 or 767. And by all indications, this took place in the final months of preparation, during the spring and summer of 2001.

There are two different worlds in aviation — the general single-engine airplane world with a service ceiling of 10,000 feet and a top speed of around 200 miles per hour, and the commercial swept-wing jetliner world at 40,000 feet and Mach numbers for speed calculations. Little within that first world prepares the pilot for the second, high-altitude world.

So began my search for Middle Eastern operators of Boeing airliners. Because the hijackers were mostly Saudi Arabian, the firm of Dallah Avco, a Saudi operator of multiple private Boeing airliners, soon stood out as a focal point. To my amazement, I immediately discovered that Congressional investigators had already linked Dallah Avco with the actual hijackers. Omar Bayoumi, a Dallah employee and operative within the Saudi Ministry of Aviation, had provided housing and basic support for three hijackers: Nawaf al-Hazmi, Khalid al-Mihdhar and the pilot/hijacker of American 77, Hani Hanjour.

FBI evidence of the cell would confirm that the hijacking team of American 77 had formed and operated separately with direct financial support from top-level members of the Saudi government, bitter enemies of al Qaeda. The picture was beginning to clear.

From this point in the research, the guilt needle began pointing steadily toward Saudi Arabia, in part because 15 of the 19 hijackers were Saudis. With every new piece of evidence, that needle does not fluctuate. As the focus narrowed on San Diego, the footprints of a large Saudi contingent began to appear. Congressional investigators had found, within buried FBI files, evidence that United States Senators would later call “undeniable” that top Saudi officials had known that terrorists were entering the U.S. beginning in 2000 in preparation for some sort of attack. These same officials are among those who work with American oil companies and regulate the flow of crude oil to the United States, the same Saudi officials that regulate the price that has gone from $30 per barrel to over $140 post 911.

One Saudi official in particular, Prince Bandar bin Sultan, Saudi Ambassador to the United States from 1983 to 2005, was quickly traced to direct funding of the hijackers, through cashier’s checks, not from him he would say, but from his wife. Alabama Senator Richard Shelby, Maine Senator Susan Collins and Florida Senator Bob Graham learned that Saudi officials had directed agents in the United States to assist the future hijackers. These senators would quietly back out of the investigation after the White House threatened them with “leaking classified information” and a criminal probe. Senator Graham was told in no uncertain terms to back off and shut up in telephone calls from Vice President Cheney. This evidence alone on the Saudis provided more plausibility than two chapters of KSM’s ramblings. Here was opportunity to provide airplanes and instructors for hijackers who were solidly linked to Saudi operatives working for Prince Bandar.

Something about this jogged my memory. In the spring and summer of 2001, I had noticed an odd airplane frequently parked on the corporate ramp at Lindbergh Field in San Diego. My schedule in 2001 was heavy with San Diego trips and I became curious about the highly unusual airplane with its tail number registration HZ-124. The heavy four-engine Airbus A340, normally configured for 400 seats and painted with airline livery, was unmarked and painted like a private jet. A search of the tail number disclosed that the owner was Prince Bandar bin Sultan, Saudi Arabia’s Ambassador to the U.S.

The Saudi aviation presence in San Diego was part of the puzzle. Dallah Avco could easily provide the Boeings, simulators, instructors and all the required training needed to explain the hijacker’s flying proficiency. The remaining mystery was where the training took place.

As I read through the 911 Commission’s report, I noticed that something had drawn all the hijackers out west on several occasions. The 911 Commission reported that each pilot/hijacker had made multiple trips to Las Vegas in the spring and summer of 2001; the commission had “no explanation” for this destination. But, logically, the vast Mojave and Sonoran Deserts would be the perfect training ground for practicing a high-to-low-altitude, coordinated attack.

Initially, I focused on the many airline storage airports scattered throughout the southwestern deserts, where various airliners come and go without drawing much attention. Major airlines operate leased aircraft owned by investment banks. As an airline’s fleet requirements change, planes are routinely parked while new lease agreements are negotiated. The dry desert preserves the planes’ avionics and interiors while they sit, sometimes for years at a stretch. As I conducted a search throughout the deserts using Google Earth, one airport north of Tucson began to stick out.

At the same time, from several old Iran-Contra sources I began hearing about a hush-hush airport used by the government contractor and mercenary outfit Blackwater, to train covert, special operations flight crews. I soon learned that major flight training had been conducted in the middle of the night with military and civilian airplanes in top-secret fashion. Blackwater is one of several operators that use the very airport I had run across — Pinal Airpark, a secluded desert facility near the town of Marana, Arizona, and near the former home of Saudi Arabian pilot Hani Hanjour, the hijacker pilot of American 77. I discovered that over 80 perfectly airworthy commercial airliners are scattered around the airport and heavily guarded by a mercenary army with covert Saudi ties. The opportunities are perfect to “borrow” a Boeing for unlimited and undocumented air training in the dedicated practice range over the desert. The means and the opportunity to slip hijackers in for training were all in place.

Investigative author Jeremy Scahill had also discovered Pinal and written extensively about it in his 2007 book Blackwater: The Rise of the World’s Most Powerful Mercenary Army. He traced Pinal’s four-decade history of clandestine paramilitary activity, from Vietnam and the famous opium cargo outfit dubbed Air America to today’s government contracts in the “War on Terror,” such as the so-called Torture Taxi flights to U.S.-run detention facilities in Afghanistan. Scahill reports that these untraceable contracts govern operation of Blackwater’s fleet of Casa 212 cargo planes that frequent Pinal. He reports that Blackwater’s president Gary Jackson has been bold in bragging that Blackwater’s “black” contracts are so secret, he could not tell one federal agency about Blackwater’s work with another.

“Air Blackwater,” previously known as Aviation Worldwide Services, formed in early 2001, just when the 911 hijackers were in the final stages of training. Public statements said they were to provide “military training operations and aviation transport” for the U.S. government. AWS was then acquired by Blackwater in 2003, as the Iraqi occupation was getting under way. Gary Jackson announced that the new aviation department “complements our strategic goal of providing a ‘one stop’ solution for all of our customer’s security and tactical training needs.” “Tactical training,” of course, raises a red flag. Evergreen International, an aviation company whose board includes the former head of the CIA’s air operations, has taken over management of Pinal while the government doles out no-bid, untraceable “black” contracts to Blackwater, Aero Contractors, International Air Response, Evergreen, SA Incorporated and a host of others.

Ultimately, the evidence that September 11th was an al-Qaeda operation rests entirely on the confessions of one man, Khalid Sheik Mohammad. We now know that KSM, as he’s been dubbed in various reports, learned the hard way to remember his role in 911. Naked and with his feet bound to a wooden board, KSM’s lower half was elevated and buckets of water were slowly poured into his nasal passages. Unable to breathe, with water entering his lungs, he would have been sure that he was drowning. The natural human reaction is to survive and the only way to survive is to tell the aggressor whatever he wants to hear. It’s that simple. The main reason we don’t use waterboarding here in America is that it simply doesn’t provide truth, only words to stave off imminent death. After two years of this treatment and a year of sleep deprivation, snarling dogs and humiliation, KSM also “confessed” to every evil act under the sun over the past 15 years — to planning 31 other attacks around the world.

We later learned that his interrogation was videotaped, but the tapes mysteriously vanished. The 911 Commission, taking its cue from the Bush administration, referred to the deranged KSM as a “super terrorist” or “terrorist entrepreneur.” In June 2008, KSM appeared in a military court at Guantanamo. Shackled and rambling incoherently, his initial complaint was that the court-appointed artist had botched his profile, specifically that his nose was drawn much too large. After the vanity issue, his next complaint was another ramble about having been tortured for the previous five years.

The President himself informed the nation in a September 2006 speech about the success of the waterboard. Referring to another detainee, Abu Zubaydah, al-Qaeda’s so-called planning chief, Mr. Bush said, “We knew that Zubaydah had more information that could save innocent lives, but he stopped talking. As his questioning proceeded, it became clear that he had received training on how to resist interrogation. And so the CIA used an alternative set of procedures. I cannot describe the specific methods used — I think you understand why” — with a pause — “but I can say the procedures were tough. After he recovered, Zubaydah was defiant and evasive. He declared his hatred of America. During questioning, he at first disclosed what he thought was nominal information — and then stopped all cooperation. Well, in fact, the ‘nominal’ information he gave us turned out to be quite important. For example, Zubaydah disclosed Khalid Sheikh Mohammed — or KSM — was the mastermind behind the 9/11 attacks.”

The 911 Commission Report concluded that KSM was the “mastermind” of these attacks, with financial and logistical support from Osama bin Laden. But the Commission’s conclusions — or assumptions — are based entirely on thirdhand testimony. Remarkably, no one from the commission was allowed to talk with KSM or even with KSM’s interrogators. Americans have been given proofs that amount to little more than words from men behind the curtain. After torturing a prisoner, our government releases his “confessions” to the media with no question as to its authenticity, just as the “confession” tapes of Osama bin Laden give us another unverified source of disinformation. When we consider that only one in seven Americans can find Iraq on a map, the deception is like taking candy from a baby.
Astonishingly, the 911 Commission’s final report states the following, within a warning-style box:

The following chapters on the 911 plot rely heavily on information obtained from captured al-Qaeda members… . Assessing the truth of statements by these witnesses … is challenging. Our access to them has been limited to the review of intelligence reports based on communications received from the locations where the actual interrogations take place. We submitted questions for use in the interrogations, but had no control over whether, when, or how questions of particular interest would be asked. Nor were we allowed to talk to the interrogators so that we could better judge the credibility of the detainees and clarify ambiguities in the reporting. We were told that our requests might disrupt the sensitive interrogation process.

This testimony wouldn’t be allowed in traffic court but in the Post-911 World, this is all we need in order to know who planned the massacre of 3,000 people on 911. The New York City Fire Department lost 343 men; the NYPD lost 23; nearly 200 people jumped to their deaths from the burning towers; United and American lost 33 crew members and 314 passengers; airport security was defeated; the United States military was defeated; the American economy was ruptured; we have warrantless wiretaps, two wars with 4,000 dead American soldiers, another hundred thousand physically and mentally disabled and perhaps another one million dead in the Middle East. Yet thirdhand hearsay from a waterboarded captive is all we care to offer by way of explanation or closure.

Even if we grant these two chapters of hearsay, there is, as noted earlier, still no accounting for the advanced tactical knowledge, logistical support or aviation training required for the mission.

The Commission report purports to describe in great detail the thinking of Osama bin Laden, as told by mastermind KSM. For example, “during the summer of 2001,” the report states, “KSM approached bin Laden with the idea of recruiting a Saudi Arabian air force pilot to commandeer a Saudi fighter jet and attack the Israeli city of Eilat. Bin Laden reportedly liked this proposal, but he instructed KSM to concentrate on the 9/11 operation first.”

Does anyone else find this idea farfetched? KSM is suggesting a minor hit using one commandeered fighter jet to attack a small Israeli city while he is also orchestrating the logistical nightmare of what would be September 11th. Writing as if they had al-Qaeda bugged and could read the mind of bin Laden, they paint KSM as an absolute genius, multitasking across several continents while pulling off a terrorist assault like no other in history. The conspiracy theory of KSM in the 911 Commission’s report is as unlikely as the missile into the Pentagon theory.

For the Raiders, the alligator closest to the boat would be the fighter jets based around the United States. Along the Northeast corridor between Boston and New York, Otis Air Force Base on Cape Cod would be the place where F-15 fighters would be dispatched to intercept and shoot down any airliner that had been converted into a guided missile. Washington, D.C., was trickier for the hijackers, with two close Air Force bases: Andrews right outside of town and Langley just to the south, at Hampton, Virginia. As in all sneak attacks, any confusion (such as among air traffic controllers) and any indecision (such as by government officials) would work to the benefit of the Raiders. If there were any official failures to recognize and respond, the attackers would coin them into pure minutes and seconds: time — precious Time. A key for the Raiders was that none of the fighter jets would matter if the tactical plan was executed with perfection. Only mistakes by the Raiders would give the fighters a chance to do their job.

America is defended by trillions of dollars’ worth of arsenal. The most challenging aspect of conducting an air raid against the United States is that, with the help of a secure blanket of radar coverage, the nation is constantly protected by the world’s most advanced system of military fighter jets. These fighters are ready to scramble at a moment’s notice with a variety of lethal missiles capable of taking down any hostile aircraft in short order. Fighter pilots sleep and eat within minutes of their jets and have drilled to be airborne within seconds of an all-out scramble. This constant readiness is paramount in the nation’s defense.

The normal life expectancy for a hostile aircraft anywhere within U.S. borders is less than 30 minutes. But the hard evidence is that on 911, hostile aircraft were able to operate for nearly two hours. It should be disturbing to any American taxpayer that a full inquiry into this failure has yet to be accomplished.

If the President of the United States is still breathing, he and only he is authorized to convert a fighter jet scramble to a shootdown of threatening aircraft, the order going, via a strict protocol, to the Secretary of Defense to the Combatant Commander to the fighter pilots. In the world of commercial aviation alone, we have progressed to a point of nearly perfect, nearly instant communication. Communications among the FAA, White House and U.S. military are even better. In the real world of the year 2001, the protocol for a shootdown order to go through the chain of command would be expected to require less than a minute.

But if the protocol is never initiated, then the trillions of dollars in weaponry are worthless. No fighter pilot is going to be shooting down any airplane, especially a commercial airliner in domestic air space, without shootdown orders.

If any airliner is hijacked and the FAA’s Air Traffic Control knows it, ATC’s first call will be to the North American Aerospace Defense Command. NORAD would immediately dispatch jet fighters to intercept and the President’s National Security Advisor would be notified. From there, the fighters would monitor the airliners’ intentions and a shootdown order could be given by the President. There were four separate but coordinated attack plans. American 11, a Boeing 767 bound from Boston to Los Angeles, was hijacked first and was crashed into the north tower of the World Trade Center. United 175, also a Boeing 767, also departed Boston for LAX and was hijacked over New Jersey just as AA11 impacted its target and would hit the south tower just 14 minutes later. American 77, a Boeing 757, departed from Washington Dulles for Los Angeles and was hijacked 33 minutes after takeoff, reversed course, and impacted the Pentagon 40 minutes later without meeting any interference. United 93 from Newark to San Francisco encountered two intangibles that caused the only complete failure among the Raiders’ four plans. The flight was delayed for forty minutes taxiing out to the end of the runway, and then the cockpit takeover was 30 minutes late, leaving the aircraft over 270 miles from its target when it was finally commandeered.

For an airliner at cruise altitude commandeered for use as a guided missile, ideal attack position does not mean a location directly over the target. The best attack position for an aircraft at 35,000 feet is somewhere within 120 miles of the target. Because airliners require three horizontal miles to descend each 1,000 feet, pilots plan a descent from 35,000 feet at around 105 miles from the destination. The 3 to 1 ratio can be increased to 2 to 1 for a more aggressive descent using spoilers and higher airspeeds, but the pass/fail of the hijackers’ mission depended on the ability to commandeer all the aircraft within a critical 120-mile window.

Getting the four scheduled airliners into an ideal strike position, as close as possible to the same moment, was perhaps the most challenging aspect of the plan. Drawing 120-mile circles around New York and Washington shows the windows that the planes needed to be within for success. Based on the departure airports and the targets hit, it is clear that all four flights were planned to be within ideal position soon after takeoff. Any delay in the hostile takeovers would open a new can of worms. Most importantly, the U.S. military’s blanket of supersonic fighters would begin to defend American skies. AA11 was commandeered only 15 minutes after takeoff and was in perfect attack position at 8:14 a.m. UA175 was commandeered 33 minutes after liftoff and was in an ideal attack position at 8:46 a.m., just as AA11 struck the north tower.

The snapshot at 8:46 shows AA11 about to hit the north tower and, in perfect synchrony, the attackers storming the cockpit of UA175. AA77 — the Pentagon plane — was heading west at cruise altitude, moving away from its target at 500 mph, and still five minutes from takeover. The hijackers on UA93 had lifted off only four minutes earlier from Newark, after a 40-minute taxi out and delay due to normal traffic. They came extremely close to missing their first critical time window, but the window was met, if only by four minutes.

Long taxi outs from busy airports are hard to predict. The UA93 attack was in jeopardy before liftoff because of the long taxi time. Getting an early pushback away from the gate by the ground crew can make a huge difference in the placement for takeoff. There are many scheduled departures around 8:00 a.m. from all major airports. If you’re first in pushing back, your taxi time will be minimal. But if you don’t call for pushback until, perhaps, 8:02, there might be 15 airplanes getting into position ahead of you. Each takeoff takes an average of three minutes, so 15 airplanes equals around 45 minutes. So it appears that UA93 was somewhere around number 12 in line for takeoff — completely normal, but not good for the tactical plan.

This long taxi nearly busted one of the tactical plan’s critical windows. The goal was to have all four airplanes in the air and in attack position before ATC or NORAD knew what was happening. Preserving the element of surprise requires calculating the amount of time it will take for the system to switch from a normal operating day to a day in which there is one odd occurrence to a day with one emergency to the realization that the country is under attack. A further delay for UA93 of just four minutes would have blown their critical time window, because the controllers and even United 93’s pilots would have seen the World Trade Center on fire with their own eyes, from the ground at Newark Airport.

On September 11, 2001, I watched with a mix of horrified shock and uneasy suspicion as the attack changed the world on live television. From day one, I listened closely and collected articles and other materials. Beginning in 2005, I began to research all that had been collected, with little idea where it would lead. The guilt needle soon began pointing in one steady direction. Three years later that needle has yet to waver.

From 1989 until 2005, I was a pilot for one of the airlines whose planes were hijacked on 911, flying throughout the world exclusively on Boeing aircraft. I had earned my captain ratings on the 727, 737, 747, 747-400 and, most importantly for this book, the Boeing 757 and 767, the very planes used by the 911 Raiders. I knew both Captain Jason Dahl of United 93 and Captain Vic Saracini of United 175. I had flown with most of the flight attendants who perished on that day.

Even if I’d had no other reason to investigate, my airline family deserved an honest account of the attack. I might add that we also deserve this because 911 has been used against us ever since, in a running nightmare of contrived bankruptcy, draconian working conditions and hostile management. I have circled the world with the dedicated employees of our company on thousands of domestic and international routes. Together we’ve hit nearly every commercial runway within the United States, with dozens of entries into each of the three airports used on 911, and in nearly every major city of the world. In 2003, we flew 747 charters for the U.S. military, delivering young Marines to the battlefield via Kuwait. During this period, I wrote my first book, Lakefront Airport, based on my experiences as a covert player during the 1980s for the first Bush Administration. This inside criminal operation became known as Iran Contra. Alarmingly, major covert players from Iran-Contra resurfaced in the 911 evidence. In aviation training, we call this kind of thing a red flag. The covert activities — “black operations” or black ops — I witnessed during the first Bush administration seem to have laid the groundwork for unthinkable black ops in the second.

My experience in government-sponsored covert operations provides insight into how black ops, such as the activities of Blackwater and other private contractors, work. My experience as a Boeing captain contributes a clear picture of aviation-related aspects of 911 that have remained obscure for the general public. I also worked for years in and around the oil industry — as a roughneck on rigs in the Gulf of Mexico in the late 1970s, and flying Learjet charters for Halliburton and other oil-related companies from my hometown of New Orleans and later out of Dallas in the early 1980s. Oil, aviation and covert operations: these are three major areas in the world of 911.

The 911 Commission Report, distorted largely through the efforts of its White House–appointed executive director Philip Zelikow, fails to provide an accurate timeline for the attack. By placing events out of chronological order, the report tends to confuse readers. Descriptions of the attack here have been placed in chronological order using FAA records, radar records, NTSB reports, 911 Commission research, cockpit voice recordings, testimony from air traffic controllers, American and United airlines dispatchers and other official records. Except for the flying analysis, the hard evidence in this book has been compiled by others: by congressional investigators, 911 Commission investigators, FBI, FAA and NTSB investigators, and by the authors of published reports in major world newspapers and magazines. I cite several nonfiction books as background and for cross-reference and I highly recommend each of them.

My research into 911 raised many red flags, but ultimately pointed to a type of covert operation, used time and time again in history, known as a “false flag.” A false flag is defined as an act of aggression meant to appear as though it was carried out by your enemies.

— Philip Marshall Introduction: 911 as Executed, 911 as Planned

After any tactical operation is completed, its plan becomes evident. The work of the Raiders on September 11th, 2001, shows that the element of surprise allowed the first wave of attack against New York to go unchallenged. But then the advantage of surprise was lost, and at that point, given that this was a multi-pronged attack involving several airliners, every second of delay jeopardized the rest of the mission. Although time is important in any tactical plan, time — Time with a capital T — was mission-critical for the Raiders. On 911, the delay between the New York attacks and the strike on the Pentagon, followed by the crash of United 93 in Pennsylvania, meant that although they achieved spectacular tactical successes, in strategic terms the Raiders actually failed.

Almost all attention concerning 911 has been focused on the terrible deeds that the Raiders accomplished. However, it is at least as important to focus on what they did not accomplish — how the attack was intended to unfold, and what it was designed to achieve. Those are the terms in which the Raiders failed, and that failure may eventually prove to be their undoing.

The Raiders chose four perfect flights to hijack. All were scheduled to depart within minutes of each other from three separate airports. All were among the first flights of the morning, and therefore among the least likely to be delayed. Because of unpredictable taxi times at these busy airports, it would be hard to know which plane would hit its target first. But if things went just right, they might have all hit within minutes if not seconds of each other.

All four airplanes were fully fueled and loaded and pushed back from their gates on schedule. American 11 pushed back from the gate at Boston at 7:50. United 175 pushed back, also from Boston, at 7:59. United 93 pushed back from Newark at 8:01 and American 77 pushed back from Dulles at 8:10.

At this point, the odds were excellent that all four airplanes would be airborne by 8:15, all would reach their windows for takeover by 8:40 and all would soon be burning within their targets. By 9:11, interestingly enough, Americans would be witnessing something that would look very much like Armageddon.

What actually happened was horrific enough. But consider the impact of nearly simultaneous strikes on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon and the destruction of the Capitol dome. This was the plan: fire and brimstone killing thousands of Americans on live television, along with the decapitation of the best-known symbol of the republic. As profound as the psychological impact of 911 has been, the trauma of what was intended to happen would have ratcheted that impact up to a level that is difficult to conceive or calculate, except to say that it would be capable of producing almost unlimited political consequences, and for a very long time.

Had the plan gone as designed, the Raiders could expect a frantic but fruitless response from the U.S. defenses. By 9:11, Americans would be in a state of profound shock and even real terror. The President of the United States would give a somber speech from an elementary school where he had been showing compassion for America’s students, reading an innocent story to seven-year-olds. It would be obvious that there hadn’t been a damn thing he could do, after immediately launching waves of fighter jets from Cape Cod to Dover to Maryland to Hampton Roads, only to find that the sneak attack had long been completed and nothing but smoke filled the skies. He would soon identify the evildoers and bravely send the American military into a new era of retaliation.

But it didn’t happen that way. When the tactical plan is analyzed in aviation terms, it becomes clear that the hijackers did not just fail by not managing to crash United 93 into the Capitol dome, they failed to achieve one of the most important goals of the overall mission. They failed because it is the delays, the long duration of the four hijackings, that tends to expose the identity of the real Raiders — meaning not the nominal hijackers but the mission planners and architects. The actions, and the inaction, of a small number of key individuals within the Executive Branch before and after the attacks were remarkable. But it is their behavior during the rather extended period of the nightmare of 911 that will ultimately serve to bring the perpetrators to light, if not to justice.

When it comes to the September 11, 2001 attack, the War on Terror, a ghost named Osama bin Laden, airline bankruptcies, the Patriot Act, and this insane Post 9/11 World, America has been repeatedly bamboozled by one defined group. They live in the Republican Party of Dick Cheney of Karl Rove and George W. Bush. They live on Wall Street, on Fox “News” and in the halls of our Congress and at the George Bush Center of Intelligence in Langley, Virginia (formally called CIA HQ). They call themselves the United States “Intelligence” Community aka the Bush-Cheney Intelligence Community.

They have seized our government with a fear Muslims and terror. They refer to working Americans as union thugs while their personal hourly rates can’t be measured. They manipulate blocks of stock with media manipulation and offshore accounting. They are opposed to heath care for the sick and opposed to union organization. They are the top one percent.

You are soon going to understand how to deal with this group who has drained our United States Treasury PLUS another $15 TRILLION which is presently hidden in Dubai, Saudi Arabia, Grand Cayman and the Bahamas.

What is the mission? 

To prosecute this group of domestic enemies for their involvement in 9/11 , return the missing $15 Trillion to the American taxpayers and begin to steam clean rampant corruption in Washington. 

Is this possible? 

Yes. There has been enormous progress over the past six months. There are two lawsuits, court orders and a union awakening. 

The Big Bamboozle: 9/11 and the War on Terror is the guide written for every airline employee worldwide. Please buy a copy. All the proceeds are going back into attorney’s fees, advertising and political action. Not one penny will be wasted. This special report is to inform you of the tremendous progress that has transpired over the past few months. 

KEY FINDINGS 

• A 2002 Congressional Joint Inquiry discovered that FBI field agents in California, Arizona and Florida had followed, chronicled and reported the 9/11 hijackers movements in the United States while they prepared for the attack.
• FBI field agents documented that agents of Saudi Intelligence met two Saudi 9/11 hijackers Los Angeles on January 15, 2000 and led them to flight training for 18 months in California, Florida and Arizona.
• The Saudi agents were employed by the Saudi Arabian Civil Aviation authority had access to training materials and Boeing flight instructors.
• This explains the incredible flying performance and aviation expertise required for an advanced tactical plan that was executed on 9/11.
• The Inquiry found bank accounts linked to the hijackers and Saudi Arabian Prince Bandar bin Sultan. The Inquiry reported that these agents had “seemingly unlimited funding from Saudi Arabia.”
• The bank in question, the Riggs bank in Washington ceased operations after these discoveries were made.
• The head of this Congressional Inquiry, Senator Bob Graham was also the Chairman of the Senate Intelligence Committee. He stated, “There was a direct line from the 9/11 hijackers to the Saudi Arabian government.”
• The congressional inquiry released its full report in October of 2002,Vice President Dick Cheney redacted 28 pages of the report.
• Senator Graham wrote a book in 2004 where he said that [former] Vice President Dick Cheney threatened him, led a massive cover-up, obstructed justice, falsified and leaked disinformation to the American media and repeatedly used the FBI to intimidate the Inquiry’s staff during their investigation.
• Senator Graham stated that Robert Mueller, who was appointed by George W. Bush a week prior to 9/11 as FBI Director was “directly involved in hiding the truth” of the Saudi involvement.
• A second federal investigation, The 9/11 Commission was formed in 2004.
• Both the chairman and co-chairman of this commission have written that Dick Cheney obstructed justice by refusing the commissioners a cross-examination of key suspects.
• These suspect were captured and tortured by a special unit under Bush White House control.
• John Farmer, the general counsel for the 9/11 Commission has stated: “nearly everything reported by the Bush Administration to the 9/11 Commission [on which he served] and the media was entirely and inexplicably untrue.”
• The hijackers lived in a California home of a longtime CIA asset who was subpoenaed by the Congressional Inquiry.
• FBI Director Robert Mueller and Dick Cheney refused to serve the congressional subpoena on this suspect.
• At least three FBI field agents had discovered and reported the hijackers to Washington in the spring and summer of 2001. 
• In June of 2001, one agent wrote that an “inordinate amount of individuals [of investigative interest] were engaged in flight training” in the Arizona desert. He warned that this was an Arab terrorist cell.
• These warnings were found buried in FBI files after 9/11 by congressional investigators. The 9/11 hijackers were training in the Arizona desert from December 2001 until August of 2001.
• Boeing 757 and 767 airliners were parked at an Arizona CIA-funded airport in the spring and summer of 2001.
• A top CIA official connected to that airport was also connected to the Wall Street investment firm that placed put option trades on American (AMR) and United (UAL) in the week preceding the attack.
• Financial experts have estimated $15 billion in inside trade profits related to the attack.
• A large contingent of Saudis, including the longtime Saudi Intelligence Minister departed Las Vegas on three separate chartered airliners shortly after the attack.
• There are no records of who cleared these flights to Europe.
• None of the 100 passengers were interviewed by the FBI although 15 of the 19 hijackers held Saudi passports.
• A suspect, Khalid Sheik Mohammed (KSM) was tortured over 200 times and has been labeled by Cheney as the 9/11 “mastermind.”
• Neither federal investigation produced ANY evidence that KSM was involved in the 9/11 planning or execution.
• Cheney’s special unit captured KSM in Pakistan and released a photo of his arrest after a midnight raid. With a major media blitz orchestrated by Cheney’s office, this picture was used as “evidence” that he was the 9/11 mastermind.
• This same unit (after two years of torture), claimed that KSM “confessed” at Guantanamo and released a detailed “confession” transcript to the media.
• NONE of this confession would be admissible in U.S. Federal Court for good reason: when we checked the confession, there was no plausible explanation of how a non-pilot had masterminded an immensely complicated aerial attack.
• A close reading of his supposed (third hand) testimony reveals several logistical impossibilities. KSM has no history of ANY tactical or aviation expertise.

You have now seen the FACTS of the 9/11 that have been systematically withheld from the American public and most importantly from airline employees. This is not a rant page, this is a page of action. You will have a choice to join us from a grassroots level to bring justice to those who truly perpetrated this heinous crime against the good people of America. 

Trust me, after researching, writing and publishing this non-fiction book, its time to take the fight to Washington. The great news is that we have two specific individuals on our side in the President of the United States and his Attorney General. Trust me again, there is a path to justice. 

Your first action is to SHARE this facebook page with your airline friends. 

As much as we would like to deny it or ignore it, 9/11 was an inside job. The attack was executed by a covert team under the direction of Saudi Arabian government officials. A special unit under Bush and Cheney provided airliners and a training airport for the Saudi team. This special unit is the source of disinformation concerning the capture, torture and the unverified “confession” of KSM. 

Osama bin Laden was a decoy. Every last media report about KSM or Osama bin Laden and their involvement in the 9/11 attack is a product of slick propaganda. Think about it: Did you ever see him? Have you ever heard how the attack was executed from some unreachable cave? 

The 9/11 event was planned in the late 1990s. 

A Washington “think tank” linked to Vice President Dick Cheney published a paper in 2000 that described the future Post 9/11 World. They wrote a need to invade Iraq, to “control events before they occurred” and that”a new Pearl Harbor” would motivate the U.S. into a war mentality. After the 2000 election, people within Cheney’s think tank became cabinet members and executed their plan of war. The attack was part of a larger strategy to revolutionize America’s political power structure. 

About the Author 

Philip Marshall, a veteran Boeing captain and former government contract pilot has authored three books on Top Secret America’s covert air operations. Since 2005, he has led a comprehensive study of the 9/11 attack. 

Marshall is a commercial airline pilot, flying with Eastern Airlines and then with United. He holds captain ratings on the Boeing 727, 737, 747, 757 and 767. His latest book, The Big Bamboozle:911 and the War on Terror (2012) follows False Flag 9/11: How Bush, Cheney and the Saudis Created the Post 9/11 World (2008) and Lakefront Airport: The Rise of the CIA Enterprise (2003)

(Source: thebigbamboozle.com)