From numerous interviews with doctors, Ghouta residents, rebel fighters and their families, a different picture emerges. Many believe that certain rebels received chemical weapons via the Saudi intelligence chief, Prince Bandar bin Sultan, and were responsible for carrying out the deadly gas attack.

The ”responsibility to protect” (R2P) doctrine invoked to legitimize the 2011 war on Libya has just transmogrified into ”responsibility to attack” (R2A) Syria. Just because the Obama administration says so.

Can you say FALSE FLAG? Leaked Documents show US Framed Syria in Chemical Weapons Attack

Prince Bandar bin Sultan, aka Bandar Bush (for Dubya he was like family), spectacularly resurfaced after one year in speculation-drenched limbo (was he or was he not dead, following an assassination attempt in July 2012)

The hijackers’ training records from several U.S. flight schools indicate that they were marginal pilots, at best, even in single-engine airplanes. In early 2000, three of the pilot/hijackers are heavily documented at a small flight school near Venice, Florida, while the fourth attended schools in Arizona and California. This would account for the basic flight training of the pilots but in no way can explain the expert level of airmanship required for the 911 hit.

Dozens of reports focused on the pilot/hijackers Mohamed Atta, Hani Hanjour, Ziad Jarrah and Marwan al-Shehhi. Flight instructors around the United States told similar stories of attempting to train them. All four had a very difficult time in their basic training on small, single-engine airplanes. The English-speaking instructors repeatedly cited the language barrier with the Arabic-speaking students as a major obstacle and said that they had encouraged the students to quit. Obviously, this language issue had found a solution by 911; the only logical solution is that Arabic-speaking flight instructors were used, more specifically, Arabic-speaking Boeing flight instructors.

By using small flight schools for basic flight training, the cell remained below the radar, while the pilots’ documented use of the schools could be counted on later to provide some sort of explanation (albeit a very weak one) as to how they learned to fly these complicated heavy jets, and might help keep investigators off the trail of the real training. But the leap from a small 4,000-pound single-engine propeller airplane to a 300,000-pound twin-engine jetliner needs a specific explanation. For instance, it took me 20 years, dozens of ground school courses and 15,000 hours between my first lesson and taking command of my first commercial airliner. Adding computer games and outdated simulators to their training was a helpful step, but until they actually felt the yoke and added the hours of experience it takes to understand the momentum of a heavy 767, they would be all over the sky and completely out of control. Not only were they under control, they flew above the average skills required to operate in an airline environment. This miraculous leap has only one explanation: expert and repeated training in the actual Boeing 757 or 767. And by all indications, this took place in the final months of preparation, during the spring and summer of 2001.

There are two different worlds in aviation — the general single-engine airplane world with a service ceiling of 10,000 feet and a top speed of around 200 miles per hour, and the commercial swept-wing jetliner world at 40,000 feet and Mach numbers for speed calculations. Little within that first world prepares the pilot for the second, high-altitude world.
So began my search for Middle Eastern operators of Boeing airliners. Because the hijackers were mostly Saudi Arabian, the firm of Dallah Avco, a Saudi operator of multiple private Boeing airliners, soon stood out as a focal point. To my amazement, I immediately discovered that Congressional investigators had already linked Dallah Avco with the actual hijackers. Omar Bayoumi, a Dallah employee and operative within the Saudi Ministry of Aviation, had provided housing and basic support for three hijackers: Nawaf al-Hazmi, Khalid al-Mihdhar and the pilot/hijacker of American 77, Hani Hanjour.

FBI evidence of the cell would confirm that the hijacking team of American 77 had formed and operated separately with direct financial support from top-level members of the Saudi government, bitter enemies of al Qaeda. The picture was beginning to clear.

From this point in the research, the guilt needle began pointing steadily toward Saudi Arabia, in part because 15 of the 19 hijackers were Saudis. With every new piece of evidence, that needle does not fluctuate. As the focus narrowed on San Diego, the footprints of a large Saudi contingent began to appear. Congressional investigators had found, within buried FBI files, evidence that United States Senators would later call “undeniable” that top Saudi officials had known that terrorists were entering the U.S. beginning in 2000 in preparation for some sort of attack. These same officials are among those who work with American oil companies and regulate the flow of crude oil to the United States, the same Saudi officials that regulate the price that has gone from $30 per barrel to over $140 post 911.

One Saudi official in particular, Prince Bandar bin Sultan, Saudi Ambassador to the United States from 1983 to 2005, was quickly traced to direct funding of the hijackers, through cashier’s checks, not from him he would say, but from his wife. Alabama Senator Richard Shelby, Maine Senator Susan Collins and Florida Senator Bob Graham learned that Saudi officials had directed agents in the United States to assist the future hijackers. These senators would quietly back out of the investigation after the White House threatened them with “leaking classified information” and a criminal probe. Senator Graham was told in no uncertain terms to back off and shut up in telephone calls from Vice President Cheney. This evidence alone on the Saudis provided more plausibility than two chapters of KSM’s ramblings. Here was opportunity to provide airplanes and instructors for hijackers who were solidly linked to Saudi operatives working for Prince Bandar.

FROM FALSE FLAG 9/11 BY PHILIP MARSHALL

Ultimately, the evidence that September 11th was an al-Qaeda operation rests entirely on the confessions of one man, Khalid Sheik Mohammad. We now know that KSM, as he’s been dubbed in various reports, learned the hard way to remember his role in 911. Naked and with his feet bound to a wooden board, KSM’s lower half was elevated and buckets of water were slowly poured into his nasal passages. Unable to breathe, with water entering his lungs, he would have been sure that he was drowning. The natural human reaction is to survive and the only way to survive is to tell the aggressor whatever he wants to hear. It’s that simple. The main reason we don’t use waterboarding here in America is that it simply doesn’t provide truth, only words to stave off imminent death. After two years of this treatment and a year of sleep deprivation, snarling dogs and humiliation, KSM also “confessed” to every evil act under the sun over the past 15 years — to planning 31 other attacks around the world.

We later learned that his interrogation was videotaped, but the tapes mysteriously vanished. The 911 Commission, taking its cue from the Bush administration, referred to the deranged KSM as a “super terrorist” or “terrorist entrepreneur.” In June 2008, KSM appeared in a military court at Guantanamo. Shackled and rambling incoherently, his initial complaint was that the court-appointed artist had botched his profile, specifically that his nose was drawn much too large. After the vanity issue, his next complaint was another ramble about having been tortured for the previous five years.

The President himself informed the nation in a September 2006 speech about the success of the waterboard. Referring to another detainee, Abu Zubaydah, al-Qaeda’s so-called planning chief, Mr. Bush said, “We knew that Zubaydah had more information that could save innocent lives, but he stopped talking. As his questioning proceeded, it became clear that he had received training on how to resist interrogation. And so the CIA used an alternative set of procedures. I cannot describe the specific methods used — I think you understand why” — with a pause — “but I can say the procedures were tough. After he recovered, Zubaydah was defiant and evasive. He declared his hatred of America. During questioning, he at first disclosed what he thought was nominal information — and then stopped all cooperation. Well, in fact, the ‘nominal’ information he gave us turned out to be quite important. For example, Zubaydah disclosed Khalid Sheikh Mohammed — or KSM — was the mastermind behind the 9/11 attacks.”

The 911 Commission Report concluded that KSM was the “mastermind” of these attacks, with financial and logistical support from Osama bin Laden. But the Commission’s conclusions — or assumptions — are based entirely on thirdhand testimony. Remarkably, no one from the commission was allowed to talk with KSM or even with KSM’s interrogators. Americans have been given proofs that amount to little more than words from men behind the curtain. After torturing a prisoner, our government releases his “confessions” to the media with no question as to its authenticity, just as the “confession” tapes of Osama bin Laden give us another unverified source of disinformation. When we consider that only one in seven Americans can find Iraq on a map, the deception is like taking candy from a baby.
Astonishingly, the 911 Commission’s final report states the following, within a warning-style box:

The following chapters on the 911 plot rely heavily on information obtained from captured al-Qaeda members… . Assessing the truth of statements by these witnesses … is challenging. Our access to them has been limited to the review of intelligence reports based on communications received from the locations where the actual interrogations take place. We submitted questions for use in the interrogations, but had no control over whether, when, or how questions of particular interest would be asked. Nor were we allowed to talk to the interrogators so that we could better judge the credibility of the detainees and clarify ambiguities in the reporting. We were told that our requests might disrupt the sensitive interrogation process.

This testimony wouldn’t be allowed in traffic court but in the Post-911 World, this is all we need in order to know who planned the massacre of 3,000 people on 911. The New York City Fire Department lost 343 men; the NYPD lost 23; nearly 200 people jumped to their deaths from the burning towers; United and American lost 33 crew members and 314 passengers; airport security was defeated; the United States military was defeated; the American economy was ruptured; we have warrantless wiretaps, two wars with 4,000 dead American soldiers, another hundred thousand physically and mentally disabled and perhaps another one million dead in the Middle East. Yet thirdhand hearsay from a waterboarded captive is all we care to offer by way of explanation or closure.

Even if we grant these two chapters of hearsay, there is, as noted earlier, still no accounting for the advanced tactical knowledge, logistical support or aviation training required for the mission.

From False Flag 9/11 by Philip Marshall- Chapter 16

It takes a close reading of an innocuous-looking statement within the 911 Commission’s report to realize that a huge entourage of the longtime Saudi Intelligence Minister, Prince Turki al Faisal, was in Las Vegas on September 11, 2001. Tucked in the back of the report was an account of three separate chartered airliners carrying dozens of Saudis, departing from Las Vegas on midnight transatlantic flights beginning on September 19th.

We now know that this group, including Prince Turki, with deep connections to Saudi Arabia’s secret police, was in Las Vegas during the time that the 911 Commission could not explain why all the hijackers had made trips to Las Vegas. The roster of Saudi officials in the United States on September 11 includes the Defense Minister, the Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Minister of Aviation and the head of Dallah Avco Group, in addition to Prince Turki and of course Prince Bandar, Saudi ambassador to the U.S. In addition, the head of two of Saudi Arabia’s holiest mosques stayed at the same hotel as the all-Saudi hijackers of AA77 — at the Marriott Residence Inn in Herndon, Virginia — on the night of September 10th. In the week after the attack, there were a dozen chartered flights with high-ranking Saudi officials that left from Las Vegas, Newark, Boston and Washington, all cities, by the way, with direct links to the hijackings. By September 24, 2001, they had all returned home.

The British Observer reported that the widely feared Prince Turki al Faisal had a long, mutually hostile relationship with Osama bin Laden. Turki, with American connections (he would become Saudi Ambassador to the U.S. after Prince Bandar), was funding bin Laden’s mujahedeen against the Soviets in Afghanistan in the 1980s, but the partnership with bin Laden ended soon after. More recently, the entire Saudi royal family had become the prime target of al-Qaeda for their relationship with American oil companies. Of great interest is the Observer’s reporting that pilot/hijacker Mohamed Atta left Hamburg soon after making contact with Prince Turki’s intelligence agents in early 2000. Atta’s destination, after a brief stop in Pakistan, was Huffman Aviation, the small school in Florida where he began basic flight training. He was soon joined by Jarrah and al Shehhi. They told people in Venice that they were bodyguards with the Saudi government and needed to learn to fly airplanes.

The prince’s entourage entailed a perfect opportunity for the Raiders to get the needed Saudi Boeing flight instructors into the country, and exit after the attacks without anyone interviewing them. The chartered departures from Las Vegas were a four-engine DC-8 for Geneva on September 19, 2001 with 69 passengers, including 46 Saudis; a Boeing 727 for England with 18 Saudis on September 20; and on September 23, a jumbo Lockheed L-1011 for Paris. Only 34 passengers were listed on that plane, which has a capacity of nearly 400. On that flight was Prince Turki.

No one in the government will say just who cleared these flights to leave without interviewing even one of the passengers. Prince Bandar said on Meet the Press in September 2001 that the FBI cleared the flights. The FBI said that they did not clear the flights.

Prince Turki and Prince Bandar have more connections to Arabic-speaking Boeing flight instructors than anyone else in the world. The means and opportunity to slip the hijackers into Pinal Airpark or other facilities for training were theirs. The motive was a world-changing event. The Saudis would benefit greatly not only from the targeting of al-Qaeda but from an American invasion of Iraq, one that they had begged for after the first Gulf War. Dick Cheney would guarantee Prince Bandar that America was going to invade Iraq months before anyone informed the United States Congress.

In November 2001, Prince Turki expressed his public support for the U.S. operation in Afghanistan, referring to al-Qaeda as an “evil cult.” By calling out bin Laden for complicity in the attacks, he would be helping to “sic” the world against his greatest enemy, an enemy that has made several assassination attempts against the Saudi royal family. In the winter of 1998, three buried suitcases had been found in Saudi Arabia containing nine antitank Sagger missiles. The Saudis learned that al-Qaeda was intending them for use against the royal family. Former FBI Director Louis Freeh told The New Yorker, “From where I sat and from what I knew … Al Qaeda was more a threat to Saudi Arabia than to the U.S. and bin Laden’s whole focus was on toppling the royal family and getting the U.S. forces out of Saudi Arabia.”

FROM FALSE FLAG 9/11 BY PHILIP MARSHALL

The hijackers’ training records from several U.S. flight schools indicate that they were marginal pilots, at best, even in single-engine airplanes. In early 2000, three of the pilot/hijackers are heavily documented at a small flight school near Venice, Florida, while the fourth attended schools in Arizona and California. This would account for the basic flight training of the pilots but in no way can explain the expert level of airmanship required for the 911 hit.

Dozens of reports focused on the pilot/hijackers Mohamed Atta, Hani Hanjour, Ziad Jarrah and Marwan al-Shehhi. Flight instructors around the United States told similar stories of attempting to train them. All four had a very difficult time in their basic training on small, single-engine airplanes. The English-speaking instructors repeatedly cited the language barrier with the Arabic-speaking students as a major obstacle and said that they had encouraged the students to quit. Obviously, this language issue had found a solution by 911; the only logical solution is that Arabic-speaking flight instructors were used, more specifically, Arabic-speaking Boeing flight instructors.

By using small flight schools for basic flight training, the cell remained below the radar, while the pilots’ documented use of the schools could be counted on later to provide some sort of explanation (albeit a very weak one) as to how they learned to fly these complicated heavy jets, and might help keep investigators off the trail of the real training. But the leap from a small 4,000-pound single-engine propeller airplane to a 300,000-pound twin-engine jetliner needs a specific explanation. For instance, it took me 20 years, dozens of ground school courses and 15,000 hours between my first lesson and taking command of my first commercial airliner. Adding computer games and outdated simulators to their training was a helpful step, but until they actually felt the yoke and added the hours of experience it takes to understand the momentum of a heavy 767, they would be all over the sky and completely out of control. Not only were they under control, they flew above the average skills required to operate in an airline environment. This miraculous leap has only one explanation: expert and repeated training in the actual Boeing 757 or 767. And by all indications, this took place in the final months of preparation, during the spring and summer of 2001.

There are two different worlds in aviation — the general single-engine airplane world with a service ceiling of 10,000 feet and a top speed of around 200 miles per hour, and the commercial swept-wing jetliner world at 40,000 feet and Mach numbers for speed calculations. Little within that first world prepares the pilot for the second, high-altitude world.

So began my search for Middle Eastern operators of Boeing airliners. Because the hijackers were mostly Saudi Arabian, the firm of Dallah Avco, a Saudi operator of multiple private Boeing airliners, soon stood out as a focal point. To my amazement, I immediately discovered that Congressional investigators had already linked Dallah Avco with the actual hijackers. Omar Bayoumi, a Dallah employee and operative within the Saudi Ministry of Aviation, had provided housing and basic support for three hijackers: Nawaf al-Hazmi, Khalid al-Mihdhar and the pilot/hijacker of American 77, Hani Hanjour.

FBI evidence of the cell would confirm that the hijacking team of American 77 had formed and operated separately with direct financial support from top-level members of the Saudi government, bitter enemies of al Qaeda. The picture was beginning to clear.

From this point in the research, the guilt needle began pointing steadily toward Saudi Arabia, in part because 15 of the 19 hijackers were Saudis. With every new piece of evidence, that needle does not fluctuate. As the focus narrowed on San Diego, the footprints of a large Saudi contingent began to appear. Congressional investigators had found, within buried FBI files, evidence that United States Senators would later call “undeniable” that top Saudi officials had known that terrorists were entering the U.S. beginning in 2000 in preparation for some sort of attack. These same officials are among those who work with American oil companies and regulate the flow of crude oil to the United States, the same Saudi officials that regulate the price that has gone from $30 per barrel to over $140 post 911.

One Saudi official in particular, Prince Bandar bin Sultan, Saudi Ambassador to the United States from 1983 to 2005, was quickly traced to direct funding of the hijackers, through cashier’s checks, not from him he would say, but from his wife. Alabama Senator Richard Shelby, Maine Senator Susan Collins and Florida Senator Bob Graham learned that Saudi officials had directed agents in the United States to assist the future hijackers. These senators would quietly back out of the investigation after the White House threatened them with “leaking classified information” and a criminal probe. Senator Graham was told in no uncertain terms to back off and shut up in telephone calls from Vice President Cheney. This evidence alone on the Saudis provided more plausibility than two chapters of KSM’s ramblings. Here was opportunity to provide airplanes and instructors for hijackers who were solidly linked to Saudi operatives working for Prince Bandar.

Something about this jogged my memory. In the spring and summer of 2001, I had noticed an odd airplane frequently parked on the corporate ramp at Lindbergh Field in San Diego. My schedule in 2001 was heavy with San Diego trips and I became curious about the highly unusual airplane with its tail number registration HZ-124. The heavy four-engine Airbus A340, normally configured for 400 seats and painted with airline livery, was unmarked and painted like a private jet. A search of the tail number disclosed that the owner was Prince Bandar bin Sultan, Saudi Arabia’s Ambassador to the U.S.

The Saudi aviation presence in San Diego was part of the puzzle. Dallah Avco could easily provide the Boeings, simulators, instructors and all the required training needed to explain the hijacker’s flying proficiency. The remaining mystery was where the training took place.

As I read through the 911 Commission’s report, I noticed that something had drawn all the hijackers out west on several occasions. The 911 Commission reported that each pilot/hijacker had made multiple trips to Las Vegas in the spring and summer of 2001; the commission had “no explanation” for this destination. But, logically, the vast Mojave and Sonoran Deserts would be the perfect training ground for practicing a high-to-low-altitude, coordinated attack.

Initially, I focused on the many airline storage airports scattered throughout the southwestern deserts, where various airliners come and go without drawing much attention. Major airlines operate leased aircraft owned by investment banks. As an airline’s fleet requirements change, planes are routinely parked while new lease agreements are negotiated. The dry desert preserves the planes’ avionics and interiors while they sit, sometimes for years at a stretch. As I conducted a search throughout the deserts using Google Earth, one airport north of Tucson began to stick out.

At the same time, from several old Iran-Contra sources I began hearing about a hush-hush airport used by the government contractor and mercenary outfit Blackwater, to train covert, special operations flight crews. I soon learned that major flight training had been conducted in the middle of the night with military and civilian airplanes in top-secret fashion. Blackwater is one of several operators that use the very airport I had run across — Pinal Airpark, a secluded desert facility near the town of Marana, Arizona, and near the former home of Saudi Arabian pilot Hani Hanjour, the hijacker pilot of American 77. I discovered that over 80 perfectly airworthy commercial airliners are scattered around the airport and heavily guarded by a mercenary army with covert Saudi ties. The opportunities are perfect to “borrow” a Boeing for unlimited and undocumented air training in the dedicated practice range over the desert. The means and the opportunity to slip hijackers in for training were all in place.

Investigative author Jeremy Scahill had also discovered Pinal and written extensively about it in his 2007 book Blackwater: The Rise of the World’s Most Powerful Mercenary Army. He traced Pinal’s four-decade history of clandestine paramilitary activity, from Vietnam and the famous opium cargo outfit dubbed Air America to today’s government contracts in the “War on Terror,” such as the so-called Torture Taxi flights to U.S.-run detention facilities in Afghanistan. Scahill reports that these untraceable contracts govern operation of Blackwater’s fleet of Casa 212 cargo planes that frequent Pinal. He reports that Blackwater’s president Gary Jackson has been bold in bragging that Blackwater’s “black” contracts are so secret, he could not tell one federal agency about Blackwater’s work with another.

“Air Blackwater,” previously known as Aviation Worldwide Services, formed in early 2001, just when the 911 hijackers were in the final stages of training. Public statements said they were to provide “military training operations and aviation transport” for the U.S. government. AWS was then acquired by Blackwater in 2003, as the Iraqi occupation was getting under way. Gary Jackson announced that the new aviation department “complements our strategic goal of providing a ‘one stop’ solution for all of our customer’s security and tactical training needs.” “Tactical training,” of course, raises a red flag. Evergreen International, an aviation company whose board includes the former head of the CIA’s air operations, has taken over management of Pinal while the government doles out no-bid, untraceable “black” contracts to Blackwater, Aero Contractors, International Air Response, Evergreen, SA Incorporated and a host of others.